PREFACE TO SHAKESPEARE
Samuel Johnson (1765)
[1] That praises are without reason lavished on the dead, and that the honours due only to excellence are paid to antiquity, is a complaint likely to be always continued by those, who, being able to add nothing to truth, hope for eminence from the heresies of paradox; or those, who, being forced by disappointment upon consolatory expedients, are willing to hope from posterity what the present age refuses, and flatter themselves that the regard which is yet denied by envy, will be at last bestowed by time.
[2] Antiquity, like every other quality that attracts the notice of mankind, has undoubtedly votaries that reverence it, not from reason, but from prejudice. Some seem to admire indiscriminately whatever has been long preserved, without considering that time has sometimes co-operated with chance; all perhaps are more willing to honour past than present excellence; and the mind contemplates genius through the shades of age, as the eye surveys the sun through artificial opacity. The great contention of criticism is to find the faults of the moderns, and the beauties of the ancients. While an authour is yet living we estimate his powers by his worst performance, and when he is dead we rate them by his best.
[3] To works, however, of which the excellence is not absolute and definite, but gradual and comparative; to works not raised upon principles demonstrative and scientifick, but appealing wholly to observation and experience, no other test can be applied than length of duration and continuance of esteem. What mankind have long possessed they have often examined and compared, and if they persist to value the possession, it is because frequent comparisons have confirmed opinion in its favour. As among the works of nature no man can properly call a river deep or a mountain high, without the knowledge of many mountains and many rivers; so in the productions of genius, nothing can be stiled excellent till it has been compared with other works of the same kind. Demonstration immediately displays its power, and has nothing to hope or fear from the flux of years; but works tentative and experimental must be estimated by their proportion to the general and collective ability of man, as it is discovered in a long succession of endeavours. Of the first building that was raised, it might be with certainty determined that it was round or square, but whether it was spacious or lofty must have been referred to time. The Pythagorean scale of numbers was at once discovered to be perfect; but the poems of Homer we yet know not to transcend the common limits of human intelligence, but by remarking, that nation after nation, and century after century, has been able to do little more than transpose his incidents, new name his characters, and paraphrase his sentiments.
[4] The reverence due to writings
that have long subsisted arises therefore not from any credulous confidence
in the superior wisdom of past ages, or gloomy persuasion of the degeneracy
of mankind, but is the consequence of acknowledged and indubitable positions,
that what has been longest known has been most considered, and what is most
considered is best understood.
[5] The Poet, of whose works
I have undertaken the revision, may now begin to assume the dignity of an
ancient, and claim the privilege of established fame and prescriptive veneration.
He has long outlived his century, the term commonly fixed as the test
of literary merit. Whatever advantages he might once derive
from personal allusions, local customs, or temporary opinions, have for many
years been lost; and every topick of merriment or motive of sorrow, which
the modes of artificial life afforded him, now only obscure the scenes which
they once illuminated. The effects
of favour and competition are at an end; the tradition of his friendships
and his enmities has perished; his works support no opinion with arguments,
nor supply any faction with invectives; they can neither indulge vanity nor
gratify malignity, but are read without any other reason than the desire of
pleasure, and are therefore praised only as pleasure is obtained; yet, thus
unassisted by interest or passion, they have past through variations of taste
and changes of manners, and, as they devolved from one generation to another,
have received new honours at every transmission.
[6] But because human judgment,
though it be gradually gaining upon certainty, never becomes infallible; and
approbation, though long continued, may yet be only the approbation of prejudice
or fashion; it is proper to inquire, by what peculiarities of excellence Shakespeare
has gained and kept the favour of his countrymen.
[7] Nothing can please many,
and please long, but just representations of general nature. Particular manners can be known to few,
and therefore few only can judge how nearly they are copied. The irregular combinations of fanciful
invention may delight a-while, by that novelty of which the common satiety
of life sends us all in quest; but the pleasures of sudden wonder are soon
exhausted, and the mind can only repose on the stability of truth.
[8] Shakespeare is above all
writers, at least above all modern writers, the poet of nature; the poet that
holds up to his readers a faithful mirrour of manners and of life. His characters are not modified by the
customs of particular places, unpractised by the rest of the world; by the
peculiarities of studies or professions, which can operate but upon small
numbers; or by the accidents of transient fashions or temporary opinions: they are the genuine progeny of common
humanity, such as the world will always supply, and observation will always
find. His persons act and speak
by the influence of those general passions and principles by which all minds
are agitated, and the whole system of life is continued in motion. In the writings of other poets a character
is too often an individual; in those of Shakespeare it is commonly a species.
[9] It is from this wide extension
of design that so much instruction is derived. It is this which fills the plays of Shakespeare
with practical axioms and domestick wisdom. It was said of Euripides, that every verse
was a precept and it may be said of Shakespeare, that from his works may be
collected a system of civil and oeconomical prudence. Yet his real power is not shown in the
splendour of particular passages, but by the progress of his fable, and the
tenour of his dialogue; and he that tries to recommend him by select quotations,
will succeed like the pedant in Hierocles, who, when he offered his house
to sale, carried a brick in his pocket as a specimen.
[10] It will not easily be
imagined how much Shakespeare excells in accommodating his sentiments to real
life, but by comparing him with other authours. It was observed of the ancient schools of declamation, that
the more diligently they were frequented, the more was the student disqualified
for the world, because he found nothing there which he should ever meet in
any other place. The same remark
may be applied to every stage but that of Shakespeare. The theatre, when it is under any other direction, is peopled
by such characters as were never seen, conversing in a language which was
never heard, upon topicks which will never arise in the commerce of mankind.
But the dialogue of this authour is often so evidently determined by
the incident which produces it, and is pursued with so much ease and simplicity,
that it seems scarcely to claim the merit of fiction, but to have been gleaned
by diligent selection out of common conversation, and common occurrences.
[11] Upon every other stage
the universal agent is love, by whose power all good and evil is distributed,
and every action quickened or retarded.
To bring a lover, a lady and a rival into the fable; to entangle them
in contradictory obligations, perplex them with oppositions of interest, and
harrass them with violence of desires inconsistent with each other; to make
them meet in rapture and part in agony; to fill their mouths with hyperbolical
joy and outrageous sorrow; to distress them as nothing human ever was distressed;
to deliver them as nothing human ever was delivered, is the business of a
modern dramatist. For this probability
is violated, life is misrepresented, and language is depraved. But love is only one of many passions,
and as it has no great influence upon the sum of life, it has little operation
in the dramas of a poet, who caught his ideas from the living world, and exhibited
only what he saw before him. He
knew, that any other passion, as it was regular or exorbitant, was a cause
of happiness or calamity.
[12] Characters thus ample
and general were not easily discriminated and preserved, yet perhaps no poet
ever kept his personages more distinct from each other. I will not say with Pope, that every speech
may be assigned to the proper speaker, because many speeches there are which
have nothing characteristical; but, perhaps, though some may be equally adapted
to every person, it will be difficult to find, any that can be properly transferred
from the present possessor to another claimant. The choice is right, when there is reason
for choice.
[13] Other dramatists can
only gain attention by hyperbolical or aggravated characters, by fabulous
and unexampled excellence or depravity, as the writers of barbarous romances
invigorated the reader by a giant and a dwarf; and he that should form his
expectations of human affairs from the play, or from the tale, would be equally
deceived. Shakespeare has no
heroes; his scenes are occupied only by men, who act and speak as the reader
thinks that he should himself have spoken or acted on the same occasion: Even where the agency is supernatural
the dialogue is level with life. Other
writers disguise the most natural passions and most frequent incidents:
so that he who contemplates them in the book will not know them in
the world: Shakespeare approximates the remote, and
familiarizes the wonderful; the event which he represents will not happen,
but if it were possible, its effects would be probably such as he has assigned;
and it may be said, that he has not only shewn human nature as it acts in
real exigences, but as it would be found in trials, to which it cannot be
exposed. This therefore is the
praise of Shakespeare, that his drama is the mirrour of life; that he who
has mazed his imagination, in following the phantoms which other writers raise
up before him, may here be cured of his delirious extasies, by reading human
sentiments in human language; by scenes from which a hermit may estimate the
transactions of the world, and a confessor predict the progress of the passions.
[14] His adherence to general
nature has exposed him to the censure of criticks, who form their judgments
upon narrower principles. Dennis
and Rhymer think his Romans not sufficiently Roman; and Voltaire censures
his kings as not completely royal. Dennis
is offended, that Menenius, a senator of Rome, should play the buffoon; and
Voltaire perhaps thinks decency violated when the Danish Usurper is represented
as a drunkard. But Shakespeare
always makes nature predominate over accident; and if he preserves the essential
character, is not very careful of distinctions superinduced and adventitious.
His story requires Romans or kings, but he thinks only on men. He knew that Rome, like every other city, had men of all dispositions;
and wanting a buffoon, he went into the senate-house for that which the senate-house
would certainly have afforded him. He was inclined to shew an usurper and
a murderer not only odious but despicable, he therefore added drunkenness
to his other qualities, knowing that kings love wine like other men, and that
wine exerts its natural power upon kings.
These are the petty cavils of petty minds; a poet overlooks the casual
distinction of country and condition, as a painter, satisfied with the figure,
neglects the drapery.
[15] The censure which he
has incurred by mixing comick and tragick scenes, as it extends to all his
works, deserves more consideration.
Let the fact be first stated, and then examined.
[16] Shakespeare's plays are
not in the rigorous and critical sense either tragedies or comedies, but compositions
of a distinct kind; exhibiting the real state of sublunary nature, which partakes
of good and evil, joy and sorrow, mingled with endless variety of proportion
and innumerable modes of combination; and expressing the course of the world,
in which the loss of one is the gain of another; in which, at the same time,
the reveller is hasting to his wine, and the mourner burying his friend; in
which the malignity of one is sometimes defeated by the frolick of another;
and many mischiefs and many benefits are done and hindered without design.
[17] Out of this chaos of
mingled purposes and casualties the ancient poets, according to the laws which
custom had prescribed, selected some the crimes of men, and some their absurdities;
some the momentous vicissitudes of life, and some the lighter occurrences;
some the terrours of distress, and some the gayeties of prosperity.
Thus rose the two modes of imitation, known by the names of tragedy
and comedy, compositions intended to promote different ends by contrary means,
and considered as so little allied, that I do not recollect among the Greeks
or Romans a single writer who attempted both.
[18] Shakespeare has united
the powers of exciting laughter and sorrow not only in one mind, but in one
composition. Almost all his plays
are divided between serious and ludicrous characters, and, in the successive
evolutions of the design, sometimes produce seriousness and sorrow, and sometimes
levity and laughter.
[19] That this is a practice
contrary to the rules of criticism will be readily allowed; but there is always
an appeal open from criticism to nature.
The end of writing is to instruct; the end of poetry is to instruct
by pleasing. That the mingled
drama may convey all the instruction of tragedy or comedy cannot be denied,
because it includes both in its alterations of exhibition, and approaches
nearer than either to the appearance of life, by shewing how great machinations
and slender designs may promote or obviate one another, and the high and the
low co-operate in the general system by unavoidable concatenation.
[20] It is objected, that
by this change of scenes the passions are interrupted in their progression,
and that the principal event, being not advanced by a due gradation of preparatory
incidents, wants at last the power to move, which constitutes the perfection
of dramatick poetry. This reasoning
is so specious, that it is received as true even by those who in daily experience
feel it to be false. The interchanges
of mingled scenes seldom fail to produce the intended vicissitudes of passion.
Fiction cannot move so much, but that the attention may be easily transferred;
and though it must be allowed that pleasing melancholy be sometimes interrupted
by unwelcome levity, yet let it be considered likewise, that melancholy is
often not pleasing, and that the disturbance of one man may be the relief
of another; that different auditors have different habitudes; and that, upon
the whole, all pleasure consists in variety.
[21] The players, who in their
edition divided our authour's works into comedies, histories, and tragedies,
seem not to have distinguished the three kinds, by any very exact or definite
ideas.
[22] An action which ended
happily to the principal persons, however serious or distressful through its
intermediate incidents, in their opinion constituted a comedy. This idea of a comedy continued long amongst
us, and plays were written, which, by changing the catastrophe, were tragedies
to-day and comedies to-morrow.
[23] Tragedy was not in those
times a poem of more general dignity or elevation than comedy; it required
only a calamitous conclusion, with which the common criticism of that age
was satisfied, whatever lighter pleasure it afforded in its progress.
[24] History was a series
of actions, with no other than chronological succession, independent of each
other, and without any tendency to introduce or regulate the conclusion. It is not always very nicely distinguished
from tragedy. There is not much
nearer approach to unity of action in the tragedy of "Antony and Cleopatra",
than in the history of "Richard the Second". But a history might be continued through
many plays; as it had no plan, it had no limits.
[25] Through all these denominations
of the drama, Shakespeare's mode of composition is the same; an interchange
of seriousness and merriment, by which the mind is softened at one time, and
exhilarated at another. But whatever
be his purpose, whether to gladden or depress, or to conduct the story, without
vehemence or emotion, through tracts of easy and familiar dialogue, he never
fails to attain his purpose; as he commands us, we laugh or mourn, or sit
silent with quiet expectation, in tranquillity without indifference.
[26] When Shakespeare's plan
is understood, most of the criticisms of Rhymer and Voltaire vanish away. The play of "Hamlet" is opened,
without impropriety, by two sentinels; Iago bellows at Brabantio's window,
without injury to the scheme of the play, though in terms which a modern audience
would not easily endure; the character of Polonius is seasonable and useful;
and the Grave-diggers themselves may be heard with applause.
[27] Shakespeare engaged in
dramatick poetry with the world open before him; the rules of the ancients
were yet known to few; the publick judgment was unformed; he had no example
of such fame as might force him upon imitation, nor criticks of such authority
as might restrain his extravagance:
He therefore indulged his natural disposition, and his disposition,
as Rhymer has remarked, led him to comedy.
In tragedy he often writes with great appearance of toil and study,
what is written at last with little felicity; but in his comick scenes, he
seems to produce without labour, what no labour can improve. In tragedy he is always struggling after some occasion to be
comick, but in comedy he seems to repose, or to luxuriate, as in a mode of
thinking congenial to his nature. In
his tragick scenes there is always something wanting, but his comedy often
surpasses expectation or desire. His
comedy pleases by the thoughts and the language, and his tragedy for the greater
part by incident and action. His
tragedy seems to be skill, his comedy to be instinct.
[28] The force of his comick
scenes has suffered little diminution from the changes made by a century and
a half, in manners or in words. As
his personages act upon principles arising from genuine passion, very little
modified by particular forms, their pleasures and vexations are communicable
to all times and to all places; they are natural, and therefore durable; the
adventitious peculiarities of personal habits, are only superficial dies,
bright and pleasing for a little while, yet soon fading to a dim tinct, without
any remains of former lustre; but the discriminations of true passion are
the colours of nature; they pervade the whole mass, and can only perish with
the body that exhibits them. The
accidental compositions of heterogeneous modes are dissolved by the chance
which combined them; but the uniform simplicity of primitive qualities neither
admits increase, nor suffers decay.
The sand heaped by one flood is scattered by another, but the rock
always continues in its place. The
stream of time, which is continually washing the dissoluble fabricks of other
poets, passes without injury by the adamant of Shakespeare.
[29] If there be, what I believe
there is, in every nation, a stile which never becomes obsolete, a certain
mode of phraseology so consonant and congenial to the analogy and principles
of its respective language as to remain settled and unaltered; this stile
is probably to be sought in the common intercourse of life, among those who
speak only to be understood, without ambition of elegance. The polite are always catching modish
innovations, and the learned depart from established forms of speech, in hope
of finding or making better; those who wish for distinction forsake the vulgar,
when the vulgar is right; but there is a conversation above grossness and
below refinement, where propriety resides, and where this poet seems to have
gathered his comick dialogue. He
is therefore more agreeable to the ears of the present age than any other
authour equally remote, and among his other excellencies deserves to be studied
as one of the original masters of our language.
[30] These observations are
to be considered not as unexceptionably constant, but as containing general
and predominant truth. Shakespeare's
familiar dialogue is affirmed to be smooth and clear, yet not wholly without
ruggedness or difficulty; as a country may be eminently fruitful, though it
has spots unfit for cultivation: His
characters are praised as natural, though their sentiments are sometimes forced,
and their actions improbable; as the earth upon the whole is spherical, though
its surface is varied with protuberances and cavities.
[31] Shakespeare with his
excellencies has likewise faults, and faults sufficient to obscure and overwhelm
any other merit. I shall shew
them in the proportion in which they appear to me, without envious malignity
or superstitious veneration. No
question can be more innocently discussed than a dead poet's pretensions to
renown; and little regard is due to that bigotry which sets candour higher
than truth.
[32] His first defect is that
to which may be imputed most of the evil in books or in men. He sacrifices virtue to convenience, and
is so much more careful to please than to instruct, that he seems to write
without any moral purpose. From
his writings indeed a system of social duty may be selected, for he that thinks
reasonably must think morally; but his precepts and axioms drop casually from
him; he makes no just distribution of good or evil, nor is always careful
to shew in the virtuous a disapprobation of the wicked; he carries his persons
indifferently through right and wrong, and at the close dismisses them without
further care, and leaves their examples to operate by chance. This fault the barbarity of his age cannot extenuate; for it
is always a writer's duty to make the world better, and justice is a virtue
independant on time or place.
[33] The plots are often so
loosely formed, that a very slight consideration may improve them, and so
carelessly pursued, that he seems not always fully to comprehend his own design.
He omits opportunities of instructing or delighting which the train
of his story seems to force upon him, and apparently rejects those exhibitions
which would be more affecting, for the sake of those which are more easy.
[34] It may be observed, that
in many of his plays the latter part is evidently neglected. When he found himself near the end of
his work, and, in view of his reward, he shortened the labour, to snatch the
profit. He therefore remits his
efforts where he should most vigorously exert them, and his catastrophe is
improbably produced or imperfectly represented.
[35] He had no regard to distinction
of time or place, but gives to one age or nation, without scruple, the customs,
institutions, and opinions of another, at the expence not only of likelihood,
but of possibility. These faults
Pope has endeavoured, with more zeal than judgment, to transfer to his imagined
in interpolators. We need not wonder to find Hector quoting Aristotle, when we
see the loves of Theseus and Hippolyta combined with the Gothic mythology
of fairies. Shakespeare, indeed,
was not the only violator of chronology, for in the same age Sidney, who wanted
not the advantages of learning, has, in his "Arcadia", confounded
the pastoral with the feudal times, the days of innocence, quiet and security,
with those of turbulence, violence and adventure.
[36] In his comick scenes
he is seldom very successful, when he engages his characters in reciprocations
of smartness and contest of sarcasm; their jests are commonly gross, and their
pleasantry licentious; neither his gentlemen nor his ladies have much delicacy,
nor are sufficiently distinguished from his clowns by any appearance of refined
manners. Whether he represented
the real conversation of his time is not easy to determine; the reign of Elizabeth
is commonly supposed to have been a time of stateliness, formality and reserve,
yet perhaps the relaxations of that severity were not very elegant. There must, however, have been always
some modes of gayety preferable to others, and a writer ought to chuse the
best.
[37] In tragedy his performance
seems constantly to be worse, as his labour is more. The effusions of passion which exigence
forces out are for the most part striking and energetick; but whenever he
solicits his invention, or strains his faculties, the offspring of his throes
is tumour, meanness, tediousness, and obscurity.
[38] In narration he affects
a disproportionate pomp of diction and a wearisome train of circumlocution,
and tells the incident imperfectly in many words, which might have been more
plainly delivered in few. Narration
in dramatick poetry is, naturally tedious, as it is unanimated and inactive,
and obstructs the progress of the action; it should therefore always be rapid,
and enlivened by frequent interruption. Shakespeare found it an encumbrance, and
instead of lightening it by brevity, endeavoured to recommend it by dignity
and splendour.
[39] His declamations or set
speeches are commonly cold and weak, for his power was the power of nature;
when he endeavoured, like other tragick writers, to catch opportunities of
amplification, and instead of inquiring what the occasion demanded, to show
how much his stores of knowledge could supply, he seldom escapes without the
pity or resentment of his reader.
[40] It is incident to him
to be now and then entangled with an unwieldy sentiment, which he cannot well
express, and will not reject; he struggles with it a while, and if it continues
stubborn, comprises it in words such as occur, and leaves it to be disentangled
and evolved by those who have more leisure to bestow upon it.
[41] Not that always where
the language is intricate the thought is subtle, or the image always great
where the line is bulky; the equality of words to things is very often neglected,
and trivial sentiments and vulgar ideas disappoint the attention, to which
they are recommended by sonorous epithets and swelling figures.
[42] But the admirers of this
great poet have never less reason to indulge their hopes of supreme excellence,
than when he seems fully resolved to sink them in dejection, and mollify them
with tender emotions by the fall of greatness, the danger of innocence, or
the crosses of love. He is not
long soft and pathetick without some idle conceit, or contemptible equivocation.
He no sooner begins to move, than he counteracts himself; and terrour
and pity, as they are rising in the mind, are checked and blasted by sudden
frigidity.
[43] A quibble is to Shakespeare,
what luminous vapours are to the traveller; he follows it at all adventures,
it is sure to lead him out of his way, and sure to engulf him in the mire.
It has some malignant power over his mind, and its fascinations are
irresistible. Whatever be the dignity or profundity
of his disquisition, whether he be enlarging knowledge or exalting affection,
whether he be amusing attention with incidents, or enchaining it in suspense,
let but a quibble spring up before him, and he leaves his work unfinished. A quibble is the golden apple for which
he will always turn aside from his career, or stoop from his elevation. A quibble poor and barren as it is, gave
him such delight, that he was content to purchase it, by the sacrifice of
reason, propriety and truth. A
quibble was to him the fatal Cleopatra for which he lost the world, and was
content to lose it.
[44] It will be thought strange,
that, in enumerating the defects of this writer, I have not yet mentioned
his neglect of the unities; his violation of those laws which have been instituted
and established by the joint authority of poets and of criticks.
[45] For his other deviations
from the art of writing, I resign him to critical justice, without making
any other demand in his favour, than that which must be indulged to all human
excellence; that his virtues be rated with his failings: But, from the censure which this irregularity
may bring upon him, I shall, with due reverence to that learning which I must
oppose, adventure to try how I can defend him.
[46] His histories, being
neither tragedies nor comedies, are not subject to any of their laws; nothing
more is necessary to all the praise which they expect, than that the changes
of action be so prepared as to be understood, that the incidents be various
and affecting, and the characters consistent, natural and distinct. No other unity is intended, and therefore
none is to be sought.
[47] In his other works he
has well enough preserved the unity of action. He has not, indeed, an intrigue regularly perplexed and regularly
unravelled; he does not endeavour to hide his design only to discover it,
for this is seldom the order of real events, and Shakespeare is the poet of
nature: But his plan has commonly
what Aristotle requires, a beginning, a middle, and an end; one event is concatenated
with another, and the conclusion follows by easy consequence. There are perhaps some incidents that
might be spared, as in other poets there is much talk that only fills up time
upon the stage; but the general system makes gradual advances, and the end
of the play is the end of expectation.
[48] To the unities of time
and place he has shewn no regard, and perhaps a nearer view of the principles
on which they stand will diminish their value, and withdraw from them the
veneration which, from the time of Corneille, they have very generally received
by discovering that they have given more trouble to the poet, than pleasure
to the auditor.
[49] The necessity of observing
the unities of time and place arises from the supposed necessity of making
the drama credible. The criticks
hold it impossible, that an action of months or years can be possibly believed
to pass in three hours; or that the spectator can suppose himself to sit in
the theatre, while ambassadors go and return between distant kings, while
armies are levied and towns besieged, while an exile wanders and returns,
or till he whom they saw courting his mistress, shall lament the untimely
fall of his son. The mind revolts
from evident falsehood, and fiction loses its force when it departs from the
resemblance of reality.
[50] From the narrow limitation
of time necessarily arises the contraction of place. The spectator, who knows that he saw the first act at Alexandria,
cannot suppose that he sees the next at Rome, at a distance to which not the
dragons of Medea could, in so short a time, have transported him; he knows
with certainty that he has not changed his place; and he knows that place
cannot change itself; that what was a house cannot become a plain; that what
was Thebes can never be Persepolis.
[51] Such is the triumphant
language with which a critick exults over the misery of an irregular poet,
and exults commonly without resistance or reply. It is time therefore to tell him, by the authority of Shakespeare,
that he assumes, as an unquestionable principle, a position, which, while
his breath is forming it into words, his understanding pronounces to be false.
It is false, that any representation is mistaken for reality; that
any dramatick fable in its materiality was ever credible, or, for a single
moment, was ever credited.
[52] The objection arising
from the impossibility of passing the first hour at Alexandria, and the next
at Rome, supposes, that when the play opens the spectator really imagines
himself at Alexandria, and believes that his walk to the theatre has been
a voyage to Egypt, and that he lives in the days of Antony and Cleopatra. Surely he that imagines this, may imagine
more. He that can take the stage
at one time for the palace of the Ptolemies, may take it in half an hour for
the promontory of Actium. Delusion,
if delusion be admitted, has no certain limitation; if the spectator can be
once persuaded, that his old acquaintance are Alexander and Caesar, that a
room illuminated with candles is the plain of Pharsalia, or the bank of Granicus,
he is in a state of elevation above the reach of reason, or of truth, and
from the heights of empyrean poetry, may despise the circumscriptions of terrestrial
nature. There is no reason why
a mind thus wandering in extasy should count the clock, or why an hour should
not be a century in that calenture of the brains that can make the stage a
field.
[53] The truth is, that the
spectators are always in their senses, and know, from the first act to the
last, that the stage is only a stage, and that the players are only players.
They come to hear a certain number of lines recited with just gesture
and elegant modulation. The lines relate to some action, and an
action must be in some place; but the different actions that compleat a story
may be in places very remote from each other; and where is the absurdity of
allowing that space to represent first Athens, and then Sicily, which was
always known to be neither Sicily nor Athens, but a modern theatre?
[54] By supposition, as place
is introduced, time may be extended; the time required by the fable elapses
for the most part between the acts; for, of so much of the action as is represented,
the real and poetical duration is the same. If, in the first act, preparations for
war against Mithridates are represented to be made in Rome, the event of the
war may, without absurdity, be represented, in the catastrophe, as happening
in Pontus; we know that there is neither war, nor preparation for war; we
know that we are neither in Rome nor Pontus; that neither Mithridates nor
Lucullus are before us. The drama
exhibits successive imitations of successive actions, and why may not the
second imitation represent an action that happened years after the first;
if it be so connected with it, that nothing but time can be supposed to intervene? Time is, of all modes of existence, most
obsequious to the imagination; a lapse of years is as easily conceived as
a passage of hours. In contemplation
we easily contract the time of real actions, and therefore willingly permit
it to be contracted when we only see their imitation.
[55] It will be asked, how
the drama moves, if it is not credited.
It is credited with all the credit due to a drama. It is credited, whenever it moves, as
a just picture of a real original; as representing to the auditor what he
would himself feel, if he were to do or suffer what is there feigned to be
suffered or to be done. The reflection
that strikes the heart is not, that the evils before us are real evils, but
that they are evils to which we ourselves may be exposed. If there be any fallacy, it is not that we fancy the players,
but that we fancy ourselves unhappy for a moment; but we rather lament the
possibility than suppose the presence of misery, as a mother weeps over her
babe, when she remembers that death may take it from her. The delight of tragedy proceeds from our
consciousness of fiction; if we thought murders and treasons real, they would
please no more.
[56] Imitations produce pain
or pleasure, not because they are mistaken for realities, but because they
bring realities to mind. When
the imagination is recreated by a painted landscape, the trees are not supposed
capable to give us shade, or the fountains coolness; but we consider, how
we should be pleased with such fountains playing beside us, and such woods
waving over us. We are agitated
in reading the history of "Henry the Fifth", yet no man takes his
book for the field of Agencourt. A
dramatick exhibition is a book recited with concomitants that encrease or
diminish its effect. Familiar
comedy is often more powerful on the theatre, than in the page; imperial tragedy
is always less. The humour of
Petruchio may be heightened by grimace; but what voice or what gesture can
hope to add dignity or force to the soliloquy of Cato.
[57] A play read, affects
the mind like a play acted. It
is therefore evident, that the action is not supposed to be real, and it follows
that between the acts a longer or shorter time may be allowed to pass, and
that no more account of space or duration is to be taken by the auditor of
a drama, than by the reader of a narrative, before whom may pass in an hour
the life of a hero, or the revolutions of an empire.
[58] Whether Shakespeare knew
the unities, and rejected them by design, or deviated from them by happy ignorance,
it is, I think, impossible to decide, and useless to inquire. We may reasonably suppose, that, when
he rose to notice, he did not want the counsels and admonitions of scholars
and criticks, and that he at last deliberately persisted in a practice, which
he might have begun by chance. As
nothing is essential to the fable, but unity of action, and as the unities
of time and place arise evidently from false assumptions, and, by circumscribing
the extent of the drama, lessen its variety, I cannot think it much to be
lamented, that they were not known by him, or not observed: Nor, if such another poet could arise,
should I very vehemently reproach him, that his first act passed at Venice,
and his next in Cyprus. Such
violations of rules merely positive, become the comprehensive genius of Shakespeare,
and such censures are suitable to the minute and slender criticism of Voltaire:
Non usque adeo permiscuit imisLongus summa dies, ut non, si voce MetelliServentur leges, malint a Caesare tolli.
[59] Yet when I speak thus
slightly of dramatick rules, I cannot but recollect how much wit and learning
may be produced against me; before such authorities I am afraid to stand,
not that I think the present question one of those that are to be decided
by mere authority, but because it is to be suspected, that these precepts
have not been so easily received but for better reasons than I have yet been
able to find. The result of my
enquiries, in which it would be ludicrous to boast of impartiality, is, that
the unities of time and place are not essential to a just drama, that though
they may sometimes conduce to pleasure, they are always to be sacrificed to
the nobler beauties of variety and instruction; and that a play, written with
nice observation of critical rules, is to be contemplated as an elaborate
curiosity, as the product of superfluous and ostentatious art, by which is
shewn, rather what is possible, than what is necessary.
[60] He that, without diminution
of any other excellence, shall preserve all the unities unbroken, deserves
the like applause with the architect, who shall display all the orders of
architecture in a citadel, without any deduction from its strength; but the
principal beauty of a citadel is to exclude the enemy; and the greatest graces
of a play, are to copy nature and instruct life.
[61] Perhaps, what I have
here not dogmatically but deliberately written, may recal the principles of
the drama to a new examination. I
am almost frighted at my own temerity; and when I estimate the fame and the
strength of those that maintain the contrary opinion, am ready to sink down
in reverential silence; as Aeneas withdrew from the defence of Troy, when
he saw Neptune shaking the wall, and Juno heading the besiegers.
[62] Those whom my arguments
cannot persuade to give their approbation to the judgment of Shakespeare,
will easily, if they consider the condition of his life, make some allowance
for his ignorance.
[63] Every man's performances,
to be rightly estimated, must be compared with the state of the age in which
he lived, and with his own particular opportunities; and though to the reader
a book be not worse or better for the circumstances of the authour, yet as
there is always a silent reference of human works to human abilities, and
as the enquiry, how far man may extend his designs, or how high he may rate
his native force, is of far greater dignity than in what rank we shall place
any particular performance, curiosity is always busy to discover the instruments,
as well as to survey the workmanship, to know how much is to be ascribed to
original powers, and how much to casual and adventitious help. The palaces of Peru or Mexico were certainly
mean and incommodious habitations, if compared to the houses of European monarchs;
yet who could forbear to view them with astonishment, who remembered that
they were built without the use of iron?
[64] The English nation, in
the time of Shakespeare, was yet struggling to emerge from barbarity. The philology of Italy had been transplanted
hither in the reign of Henry the Eighth; and the learned languages had been
successfully cultivated by Lilly and More; by Pole, Cheke, and Gardiner; and
afterwards by Smith, Clerk, Haddon, and Ascham. Greek was now taught to boys in the principal
schools; and those who united elegance with learning, read, with great diligence,
the Italian and Spanish poets. But literature was yet confined to professed scholars, or to
men and women of high rank. The
publick was gross and dark; and to be able to read and write, was an accomplishment
still valued for its rarity.
[65] Nations, like individuals,
have their infancy. A people
newly awakened to literary curiosity, being yet unacquainted with the true
state of things, knows not how to judge of that which is proposed as its resemblance. Whatever is remote from common appearances
is always welcome to vulgar, as to childish credulity; and of a country unenlightened
by learning, the whole people is the vulgar. The study of those who then aspired to
plebeian learning was laid out upon adventures, giants, dragons, and enchantments.
The Death of Arthur was the favourite volume.
[66] The mind, which has feasted
on the luxurious wonders of fiction, has no taste of the insipidity of truth.
A play which imitated only the common occurrences of the world, would,
upon the admirers of Palmerin and Guy of Warwick, have made little impression;
he that wrote for such an audience was under the necessity of looking round
for strange events and fabulous transactions, and that incredibility, by which
maturer knowledge is offended, was the chief recommendation of writings, to
unskilful curiosity.
[67] Our authour's plots are
generally borrowed from novels, and it is reasonable to suppose, that he chose
the most popular, such as were read by many, and related by more; for his
audience could not have followed him through the intricacies of the drama,
had they not held the thread of the story in their hands.
[68] The stories, which we
now find only in remoter authours, were in his time accessible and familliar.
The fable of "As You Like It", which is supposed to be copied
from Chaucer's Gamelyn, was a little pamphlet of those times; and old Mr.
Cibber remembered the tale of Hamlet in plain English prose, which the criticks
have now to seek in Saxo Grammaticus.
[69] His English histories
he took from English chronicles and English ballads; and as the ancient writers
were made known to his countrymen by versions, they supplied him with new
subjects; he dilated some of Plutarch's lives into plays, when they had been
translated by North.
[70] His plots, whether historical
or fabulous, are always crouded with incidents, by which the attention of
a rude people was more easily caught than by sentiment or argumentation; and
such is the power of the marvellous even over those who despise it, that every
man finds his mind more strongly seized by the tragedies of Shakespeare than
of any other writer; others please us by particular speeches, but he always
makes us anxious for the event, and has perhaps excelled all but Homer in
securing the first purpose of a writer, by exciting restless and unquenchable
curiosity, and compelling him that reads his work to read it through.
[71] The shows and bustle
with which his plays abound have the same original. As knowledge advances, pleasure passes from the eye to the
ear, but returns, as it declines, from the ear to the eye. Those to whom our authour's labours were
exhibited had more skill in pomps or processions than in poetical language,
and perhaps wanted some visible and discriminated events, as comments on the
dialogue. He knew how he should
most please; and whether his practice is more agreeable to nature, or whether
his example has prejudiced the nation, we still find that on our stage something
must be done as well as said, and inactive declamation is very coldly heard,
however musical or elegant, passionate or sublime.
[72] Voltaire expresses his
wonder, that our authour's extravagancies are endured by a nation, which has
seen the tragedy of Cato. Let
him be answered, that Addison speaks the language of poets, and Shakespeare,
of men. We find in Cato innumerable
beauties which enamour us of its authour, but we see nothing that acquaints
us with human sentiments or human actions; we place it with the fairest and
the noblest progeny which judgment propagates by conjunction with learning,
but "Othello" is the vigorous and vivacious offspring of observation
impregnated by genius. Cato affords
a splendid exhibition of artificial and fictitious manners, and delivers just
and noble sentiments, in diction easy, elevated and harmonious, but its hopes
and fears communicate no vibration to the heart; the composition refers us
only to the writer; we pronounce the name of Cato, but we think on Addison.
[73] The work of a correct
and regular writer is a garden accurately formed and diligently planted, varied
with shades, and scented with flowers; the composition of Shakespeare is a
forest, in which oaks extend their branches, and pines tower in the air, interspersed
sometimes with weeds and brambles, and sometimes giving shelter to myrtles
and to roses; filling the eye with awful pomp, and gratifying the mind with
endless diversity. Other poets
display cabinets of precious rarities, minutely finished, wrought into shape,
and polished unto brightness. Shakespeare opens a mine which contains gold and diamonds in
unexhaustible plenty, though clouded by incrustations, debased by impurities,
and mingled with a mass of meaner minerals.
[74] It has been much disputed,
whether Shakespeare owed his excellence to his own native force, or whether
he had the common helps of scholastick education, the precepts of critical
science, and the examples of ancient authours.
[75] There has always prevailed
a tradition, that Shakespeare wanted learning, that he had no regular education,
nor much skill in the dead languages. Johnson, his friend, affirms, that "He had small Latin
and no Greek."; who, besides that he had no imaginable temptation to
falsehood, wrote at a time when the character and acquisitions of Shakespeare
were known to multitudes. His
evidence ought therefore to decide the controversy, unless some testimony
of equal force could be opposed.
[76] Some have imagined, that
they have discovered deep learning in many imitations of old writers; but
the examples which I have known urged, were drawn from books translated in
his time; or were such easy coincidencies of thought, as will happen to all
who consider the same subjects; or such remarks on life or axioms of morality
as float in conversation, and are transmitted through the world in proverbial
sentences.
[77] I have found it remarked,
that, in this important sentence, "Go before, I'll follow," we read
a translation of, I prae, sequar. I
have been told, that when Caliban, after a pleasing dream, says, "I cry'd
to sleep again," the authour imitates Anacreon, who had, like every other
man, the same wish on the same occasion.
[78] There are a few passages
which may pass for imitations, but so few, that the exception only confirms
the rule; he obtained them from accidental quotations, or by oral communication,
and as he used what he had, would have used more if he had obtained it.
[79] The "Comedy of Errors"
is confessedly taken from the Menaechmi of Plautus; from the only play of
Plautus which was then in English. What can be more probable, than that he who copied that, would
have copied more; but that those which were not translated were inaccessible?
[80] Whether he knew the modern
languages is uncertain. That
his plays have some French scenes proves but little; he might easily procure
them to be written, and probably, even though he had known the language in
the common degree, he could not have written it without assistance.
In the story of "Romeo and Juliet" he is observed to have
followed the English translation, where it deviates from the Italian; but
this on the other part proves nothing against his knowledge of the original.
He was to copy, not what he knew himself, but what was known to his
audience.
[81] It is most likely that
he had learned Latin sufficiently to make him acquainted with construction,
but that he never advanced to an easy perusal of the Roman authours. Concerning his skill in modern languages,
I can find no sufficient ground of determination; but as no imitations of
French or Italian authours have been discovered, though the Italian poetry
was then high in esteem, I am inclined to believe, that he read little more
than English, and chose for his fables only such tales as he found translated.
[82] That much knowledge is
scattered over his works is very justly observed by Pope, but it is often
such knowledge as books did not supply.
He that will understand Shakespeare, must not be content to study him
in the closet, he must look for his meaning sometimes among the sports of
the field, and sometimes among the manufactures of the shop.
[83] There is however proof
enough that he was a very diligent reader, nor was our language then so indigent
of books, but that he might very liberally indulge his curiosity without excursion
into foreign literature. Many of the Roman authours were translated, and some of the
Greek; the reformation had filled the kingdom with theological learning; most
of the topicks of human disquisition had found English writers; and poetry
had been cultivated, not only with diligence, but success. This was a stock of knowledge sufficient
for a mind so capable of appropriating and improving it.
[84] But the greater part
of his excellence was the product of his own genius. He found the English stage in a state of the utmost rudeness;
no essays either in tragedy or comedy had appeared, from which it could be
discovered to what degree of delight either one or other might be carried.
Neither character nor dialogue were yet understood.
Shakespeare may be truly said to have introduced them both amongst
us, and in some of his happier scenes to have carried them both to the utmost
height.
[85] By what gradations of
improvement he proceeded, is not easily known; for the chronology of his works
is yet unsettled. Rowe is of
opinion, that "perhaps we are not to look for his beginning, like those
of other writers, in his least perfect works; art had so little, and nature
so large a share in what he did, that for ought I know," says he, "the
performances of his youth, as they were the most vigorous, were the best."
But the power of nature is only the power of using to any certain purpose
the materials which diligence procures, or opportunity supplies. Nature gives no man knowledge, and when images are collected
by study and experience, can only assist in combining or applying them. Shakespeare, however favoured by nature,
could impart only what he had learned; and as he must increase his ideas,
like other mortals, by gradual acquisition, he, like them, grew wiser as he
grew older, could display life better, as he knew it more, and instruct with
more efficacy, as he was himself more amply instructed.
[86] There is a vigilance
of observation and accuracy of distinction which books and precepts cannot
confer; from this almost all original and native excellence proceeds. Shakespeare must have looked upon mankind
with perspicacity, in the highest degree curious and attentive. Other writers borrow their characters
from preceding writers, and diversify them only by the accidental appendages
of present manners; the dress is a little varied, but the body is the same. Our authour had both matter and form to
provide; for except the characters of Chaucer, to whom I think he is not much
indebted, there were no writers in English, and perhaps not many in other
modern languages, which shewed life in its native colours.
[87] The contest about the
original benevolence or malignity of man had not yet commenced. Speculation had not yet attempted to analyse
the mind, to trace the passions to their sources, to unfold the seminal principles
of vice and virtue, or sound the depths of the heart for the motives of action.
All those enquiries, which from that time that human nature became
the fashionable study, have been made sometimes with nice discernment, but
often with idle subtilty, were yet unattempted.
The tales, with which the infancy of learning was satisfied, exhibited
only the superficial appearances of action, related the events but omitted
the causes, and were formed for such as delighted in wonders rather than in
truth. Mankind was not then to be studied in
the closet; he that would know the world, was under the necessity of gleaning
his own remarks, by mingling as he could in its business and amusements.
[88] Boyle congratulated himself
upon his high birth, because it favoured his curiosity, by facilitating his
access. Shakespeare had no such
advantage; he came to London a needy adventurer, and lived for a time by very
mean employments. Many works
of genius and learning have been performed in states of life, that appear
very little favourable to thought or to enquiry; so many, that he who considers
them is inclined to think that he sees enterprise and perseverance predominating
over all external agency, and bidding help and hindrance vanish before them.
The genius of Shakespeare was not to be depressed by the weight of
poverty, nor limited by the narrow conversation to which men in want are inevitably
condemned; the incumbrances of his fortune were shaken from his mind, "as
dewdrops from a lion's mane."
[89] Though he had so many
difficulties to encounter, and so little assistance to surmount them, he has
been able to obtain an exact knowledge of many modes of life, and many casts
of native dispositions; to vary them with great multiplicity; to mark them
by nice distinctions; and to shew them in full view by proper combinations. In this part of his performances He had
none to imitate, but has himself been imitated by all succeeding writers;
and it may be doubted, whether from all his successors more maxims of theoretical
knowledge, or more rules of practical prudence, can be collected, than he
alone has given to his country.
[90] Nor was his attention
confined to the actions of men; he was an exact surveyor of the inanimate
world; his descriptions have always some peculiarities, gathered by contemplating
things as they really exist. It may be observed, that the oldest poets of many nations preserve
their reputation, and that the following generations of wit, after a short
celebrity, sink into oblivion. The
first, whoever they be, must take their sentiments and descriptions immediately
from knowledge; the resemblance is therefore just, their descriptions are
verified by every eye, and their sentiments acknowledged by every breast.
Those whom their fame invites to the same studies, copy partly them,
and partly nature, till the books of one age gain such authority, as to stand
in the place of nature to another, and imitation, always deviating a little,
becomes at last capricious and casual.
Shakespeare, whether life or nature be his subject, shews plainly,
that he has seen with his own eyes; he gives the image which he receives,
not weakened or distorted by the intervention of any other mind; the ignorant
feel his representations to be just, and the learned see that they are compleat.
[91] Perhaps it would not
be easy to find any authour, except Homer, who invented so much as Shakespeare,
who so much advanced the studies which he cultivated, or effused so much novelty
upon his age or country. The
form, the characters, the language, and the shows of the English drama are
his. "He seems," says
Dennis, "to have been the very original of our English tragical harmony,
that is, the harmony of blank verse, diversified often by dissyllable and
trissyllable terminations. For the diversity distinguishes it from heroick harmony, and
by bringing it nearer to common use makes it more proper to gain attention,
and more fit for action and dialogue.
Such verse we make when we are writing prose; we make such verse in
common conversation."
[92] I know not whether this
praise is rigorously just. The
dissyllable termination, which the critick rightly appropriates to the drama,
is to be found, though, I think, not in Gorboduc which is confessedly before
our authour; yet in Hieronnymo, of which the date is not certain, but which
there is reason to believe at least as old as his earliest plays. This however is certain, that he is the
first who taught either tragedy or comedy to please, there being no theatrical
piece of any older writer, of which the name is known, except to antiquaries
and collectors of books, which are sought because they are scarce, and would
not have been scarce, had they been much esteemed.
[92] To him we must ascribe
the praise, unless Spenser may divide it with him, of having first discovered
to how much smoothness and harmony the English language could be softened. He has speeches, perhaps sometimes scenes,
which have all the delicacy of Rowe, without his effeminacy. He endeavours indeed commonly to strike
by the force and vigour of his dialogue, but he never executes his purpose
better, than when he tries to sooth by softness.
[93] Yet it must be at last
confessed, that as we owe every thing to him, he owes something to us; that,
if much of his praise is paid by perception and judgement, much is likewise
given by custom and veneration. We
fix our eyes upon his graces, and turn them from his deformities, and endure
in him what we should in another loath or despise. If we endured without praising, respect for the father of our
drama might excuse us; but I have seen, in the book of some modern critick,
a collection of anomalies which shew that he has corrupted language by every
mode of depravation, but which his admirer has accumulated as a monument of
honour.
[94] He has scenes of undoubted
and perpetual excellence, but perhaps not one play, which, if it were now
exhibited as the work of a contemporary writer, would be heard to the conclusion.
I am indeed far from thinking, that his works were wrought to his own
ideas of perfection; when they were such as would satisfy the audience, they
satisfied the writer. It is seldom that authours, though more
studious of fame than Shakespeare, rise much above the standard of their own
age; to add a little of what is best will always be sufficient for present
praise, and those who find themselves exalted into fame, are willing to credit
their encomiasts, and to spare the labour of contending with themselves.
[95] It does not appear, that
Shakespeare thought his works worthy of posterity, that he levied any ideal
tribute upon future times, or had any further prospect, than of present popularity
and present profit. When his
plays had been acted, his hope was at an end; he solicited no addition of
honour from the reader. He therefore
made no scruple to repeat the same jests in many dialogues, or to entangle
different plots by the same knot of perplexity, which may be at least forgiven
him, by those who recollect, that of Congreve's four comedies, two are concluded
by a marriage in a mask, by a deception, which perhaps never happened, and
which, whether likely or not, he did not invent.
[96] So careless was this
great poet of future fame, that, though he retired to ease and plenty, while
he was yet little "declined into the vale of years," before he could
be disgusted with fatigue, or disabled by infirmity, he made no collection
of his works, nor desired to rescue those that had been already published
from the depravations that obscured them, or secure to the rest a better destiny,
by giving them to the world in their genuine state.
[97] Of the plays which bear
the name of Shakespeare in the late editions, the greater part were not published
till about seven years after his death, and the few which appeared in his
life are apparently thrust into the world without the care of the authour,
and therefore probably without his knowledge.
[98] Of all the publishers,
clandestine or professed, their negligence and unskilfulness has by the late
revisers been sufficiently shown. The
faults of all are indeed numerous and gross, and have not only corrupted many
passages perhaps beyond recovery, but have brought others into suspicion,
which are only obscured by obsolete phraseology, or by the writer's unskilfulness
and affectation. To alter is
more easy than to explain, and temerity is a more common quality than diligence.
Those who saw that they must employ conjecture to a certain degree,
were willing to indulge it a little further.
Had the authour published his own works, we should have sat quietly
down to disentangle his intricacies, and clear his obscurities; but now we
tear what we cannot loose, and eject what we happen not to understand.
[99] The faults are more than
could have happened without the concurrence of many causes. The stile of Shakespeare was in itself
ungrammatical, perplexed and obscure; his works were transcribed for the players
by those who may be supposed to have seldom understood them; they were transmitted
by copiers equally unskilful, who still multiplied errours; they were perhaps
sometimes mutilated by the actors, for the sake of shortening the speeches;
and were at last printed without correction of the press.
[100] In this state they remained,
not as Dr. Warburton supposes, because they were unregarded, but because the
editor's art was not yet applied to modern languages, and our ancestors were
accustomed to so much negligence of English printers, that they could very
patiently endure it. At last
an edition was undertaken by Rowe; not because a poet was to be published
by a poet, for Rowe seems to have thought very little on correction or explanation,
but that our authour's works might appear like those of his fraternity, with
the appendages of a life and recommendatory preface. Rowe has been clamorously blamed for not
performing what he did not undertake, and it is time that justice be done
him, by confessing, that though he seems to have had no thought of corruption
beyond the printer's errours, yet he has made many emendations, if they were
not made before, which his successors have received without acknowledgment,
and which, if they had produced them, would have filled pages and pages with
censures of the stupidity by which the faults were committed, with displays
of the absurdities which they involved, with ostentatious exposition of the
new reading, and self congratulations on the happiness of discovering it.
[101] Of Rowe, as of all the
editors, I have preserved the preface and have likewise retained the authour's
life, though not written with much elegance or spirit; it relates however
what is now to be known, and therefore deserves to pass through all succeeding
publications.
[102] The nation had been
for many years content enough with Mr. Rowe's performance, when Mr. Pope made
them acquainted with the true state of Shakespeare's text, shewed that it
was extremely corrupt, and gave reason to hope that there were means of reforming
it. He collated the old copies,
which none had thought to examine before, and restored many lines to their
integrity; but, by a very compendious criticism, he rejected whatever he disliked,
and thought more of amputation than of cure.
[103] I know not why he is
commended by Dr. Warburton for distinguishing the genuine from the spurious
plays. In this choice he exerted
no judgement of his own; the plays which he received, were given by Hemings
and Condel, the first editors; and those which he rejected, though, according
to the licentiousness of the press in those times, they were printed during
Shakespeare's life, with his name, had been omitted by his friends, and were
never added to his works before the edition of 1664, from which they were
copied by the later printers.
[104] This was a work which
Pope seems to have thought unworthy of his abilities, being not able to suppress
his contempt of "the dull duty of an editor". He understood but half his undertaking.
The duty of a collator is indeed dull, yet, like other tedious tasks,
is very necessary; but an emendatory critick would ill discharge his duty,
without qualities very different from dulness.
In perusing a corrupted piece, he must have before him all possibilities
of meaning, with all possibilities of expression. Such must be his comprehension of thought, and such his copiousness
of language. Out of many readings
possible, he must be able to select that which best suits with the state,
opinions, and modes of language prevailing in every age, and with his authour's
particular cast of thought, and turn of expression. Such must be his knowledge, and such his
taste. Conjectural criticism
demands more than humanity possesses, and he that exercises it with most praise
has very frequent need of indulgence.
Let us now be told no more of the dull duty of an editor.
[105] Confidence is the common
consequence of success. They
whose excellence of any kind has been loudly celebrated, are ready to conclude,
that their powers are universal. Pope's
edition fell below his own expectations, and he was so much offended, when
he was found to have left any thing for others to do, that he past the latter
part of his life in a state of hostility with verbal criticism.
[106] I have retained all
his notes, that no fragment of so great a writer may be lost; his preface,
valuable alike for elegance of composition and justness of remark, and containing
a general criticism on his authour, so extensive that little can be added,
and so exact, that little can be disputed, every editor has an interest to
suppress, but that every reader would demand its insertion.
[107] Pope was succeeded by
Theobald, a man of narrow comprehension and small acquisitions, with no native
and intrinsick splendour of genius, with little of the artificial light of
learning, but zealous for minute accuracy, and not negligent in pursuing it. He collated the ancient copies, and rectified
many errors. A man so anxiously
scrupulous might have been expected to do more, but what little he did was
commonly right.
[108] In his report of copies
and editions he is not to be trusted, without examination. He speaks sometimes indefinitely of copies,
when he has only one. In his
enumeration of editions, he mentions the two first folios as of high, and
the third folio as of middle authority; but the truth is, that the first is
equivalent to all others, and that the rest only deviate from it by the printer's
negligence. Whoever has any of
the folios has all, excepting those diversities which mere reiteration of
editions will produce. I collated
them all at the beginning, but afterwards used only the first.
[109] Of his notes I have
generally retained those which he retained himself in his second edition,
except when they were confuted by subsequent annotators, or were too minute
to merit preservation. I have
sometimes adopted his restoration of a comma, without inserting the panegyrick
in which he celebrated himself for his achievement. The exuberant excrescence of diction I have often lopped, his
triumphant exultations over Pope and Rowe I have sometimes suppressed, and
his contemptible ostentation I have frequently concealed; but I have in some
places shewn him, as he would have shewn himself, for the reader's diversion,
that the inflated emptiness of some notes may justify or excuse the contraction
of the rest.
[110] Theobald, thus weak
and ignorant, thus mean and faithless, thus petulant and ostentatious, by
the good luck of having Pope for his enemy, has escaped, and escaped alone,
with reputation, from this undertaking.
So willingly does the world support those who solicite favour, against
those who command reverence; and so easily is he praised, whom no man can
envy.
[111] Our authour fell then
into the hands of Sir Thomas Hanmer, the Oxford editor, a man, in my opinion,
eminently qualified by nature for such studies. He had, what is the first requisite to emendatory criticism,
that intuition by which the poet's intention is immediately discovered, and
that dexterity of intellect which dispatches its work by the easiest means.
He had undoubtedly read much; his acquaintance with customs, opinions,
and traditions, seems to have been large; and he is often learned without
shew. He seldom passes what he does not understand, without an attempt
to find or to make a meaning, and sometimes hastily makes what a little more
attention would have found. He
is solicitous to reduce to grammar, what he could not be sure that his authour
intended to be grammatical. Shakespeare
regarded more the series of ideas, than of words; and his language, not being
designed for the reader's desk, was all that he desired it to be, if it conveyed
his meaning to the audience.
[112] Hanmer's care of the
metre has been too violently censured.
He found the measures reformed in so many passages, by the silent labours
of some editors, with the silent acquiescence of the rest, that he thought
himself allowed to extend a little further the license, which had already
been carried so far without reprehension; and of his corrections in general,
it must be confessed, that they are often just, and made commonly with the
least possible violation of the text.
[113] But, by inserting his
emendations, whether invented or borrowed, into the page, without any notice
of varying copies, he has appropriated the labour of his predecessors, and
made his own edition of little authority.
His confidence indeed, both in himself and others, was too great; he
supposes all to be right that was done by Pope and Theobald; he seems not
to suspect a critick of fallibility, and it was but reasonable that he should
claim what he so liberally granted.
[114] As he never writes without
careful enquiry and diligent consideration, I have received all his notes,
and believe that every reader will wish for more.
[115] Of the last editor it
is more difficult to speak. Respect
is due to high place, tenderness to living reputation, and veneration to genius
and learning; but he cannot be justly offended at that liberty of which he
has himself so frequently given an example, nor very solicitous what is thought
of notes, which he ought never to have considered as part of his serious employments,
and which, I suppose, since the ardour of composition is remitted, he no longer
numbers among his happy effusions.
[116] The original and predominant
errour of his commentary, is acquiescence in his first thoughts; that precipitation
which is produced by consciousness of quick discernment; and that confidence
which presumes to do, by surveying the surface, what labour only can perform,
by penetrating the bottom. His notes exhibit sometimes perverse interpretations, and sometimes
improbable conjectures; he at one time gives the authour more profundity of
meaning than the sentence admits, and at another discovers absurdities, where
the sense is plain to every other reader. But his emendations are likewise often
happy and just; and his interpretation of obscure passages learned and sagacious.
[117] Of his notes, I have
commonly rejected those, against which the general voice of the publick has
exclaimed, or which their own incongruity immediately condemns, and which,
I suppose, the authour himself would desire to be forgotten. Of the rest, to part I have given the
highest approbation, by inserting the offered reading in the text; part I
have left to the judgment of the reader, as doubtful, though specious; and
part I have censured without reserve, but I am sure without bitterness of
malice, and, I hope, without wantonness of insult.
[118] It is no pleasure to
me, in revising my volumes, to observe how much paper is wasted in confutation.
Whoever considers the revolutions of learning, and the various questions
of greater or less importance, upon which wit and reason have exercised their
powers, must lament the unsuccessfulness of enquiry, and the slow advances
of truth, when he reflects, that great part of the labour of every writer
is only the destruction of those that went before him.
The first care of the builder of a new system, is to demolish the fabricks
which are standing. The chief
desire of him that comments an authour, is to shew how much other commentators
have corrupted and obscured him. The
opinions prevalent in one age, as truths above the reach of controversy, are
confuted and rejected in another, and rise again to reception in remoter times. Thus the human mind is kept in motion
without progress. Thus sometimes
truth and errour, and sometimes contrarieties of errour, take each other's
place by reciprocal invasion. The
tide of seeming knowledge which is poured over one generation, retires and
leaves another naked and barren; the sudden meteors of intelligence which
for a while appear to shoot their beams into the regions of obscurity, on
a sudden withdraw their lustre, and leave mortals again to grope their way.
[119] These elevations and
depressions of renown, and the contradictions to which all improvers of knowledge
must for ever be exposed, since they are not escaped by the highest and brightest
of mankind, may surely be endured with patience by criticks and annotators,
who can rank themselves but as the satellites of their authours. How canst thou beg for life, says Achilles
to his captive, when thou knowest that thou art now to suffer only what must
another day be suffered by Achilles?
[120] Dr. Warburton had a
name sufficient to confer celebrity on those who could exalt themselves into
antagonists, and his notes have raised a clamour too loud to be distinct. His chief assailants are the authours
of the Canons of Criticism and of the Review of Shakespeare's Text; of whom
one ridicules his errours with airy petulance, suitable enough to the levity
of the controversy; the other attacks them with gloomy malignity, as if he
were dragging to justice an assassin or incendiary. The one stings like a fly, sucks a little blood, takes a gay
flutter, and returns for more; the other bites like a viper, and would be
glad to leave inflammations and gangrene behind him. When I think on one, with his confederates, I remember the
danger of Coriolanus, who was afraid that "girls with spits, and boys
with stones, should slay him in puny battle;" when the other crosses
my imagination, I remember the prodigy in "Macbeth",
An eagle tow'ring in his pride of place,Was by a mousing owl hawk'd at and kill'd.
[121] Let me however do them
justice. One is a wit, and one
a scholar. They have both shewn
acuteness sufficient in the discovery of faults, and have both advanced some
probable interpretations of obscure passages; but when they aspire to conjecture
and emendation, it appears how falsely we all estimate our own abilities,
and the little which they have been able to perform might have taught them
more candour to the endeavours of others.
[122] Before Dr. Warburton's
edition, "Critical Observations on Shakespeare" had been published
by Mr. Upton, a man skilled in languages, and acquainted with books, but who
seems to have had no great vigour of genius or nicety of taste. Many of his explanations are curious and
useful, but he likewise, though he professed to oppose the licentious confidence
of editors, and adhere to the old copies, is unable to restrain the rage of
emendation, though his ardour is ill seconded by his skill. Every cold empirick, when his heart is
expanded by a successful experiment, swells into a theorist, and the laborious
collator some unlucky moment frolicks in conjecture.
[123] "Critical, historical
and explanatory notes" have been likewise published upon Shakespeare
by Dr. Grey, whose diligent perusal of the old English writers has enabled
him to make some useful observations. What he undertook he has well enough performed, but as he neither
attempts judicial nor emendatory criticism, he employs rather his memory than
his sagacity. It were to be wished
that all would endeavour to imitate his modesty who have not been able to
surpass his knowledge.
[124] I can say with great
sincerity of all my predecessors, what I hope will hereafter be said of me,
that not one has left Shakespeare without improvement, nor is there one to
whom I have not been indebted for assistance and information. Whatever I have taken from them it was
my intention to refer to its original authour, and it is certain, that what
I have not given to another, I believed when I wrote it to be my own. In some perhaps I have been anticipated;
but if I am ever found to encroach upon the remarks of any other commentator,
I am willing that the honour, be it more or less, should be transferred to
the first claimant, for his right, and his alone, stands above dispute; the
second can prove his pretensions only to himself, nor can himself always distinguish
invention, with sufficient certainty, from recollection.
[125] They have all been treated
by me with candour, which they have not been careful of observing to one another.
It is not easy to discover from what cause the acrimony of a scholiast
can naturally proceed. The subjects to be discussed by him are
of very small importance; they involve neither property nor liberty; nor favour
the interest of sect or party. The
various readings of copies, and different interpretations of a passage, seem
to be questions that might exercise the wit, without engaging the passions. But, whether it be, that "small things
make mean men proud," and vanity catches small occasions; or that all
contrariety of opinion, even in those that can defend it no longer, makes
proud men angry; there is often found in commentaries a spontaneous strain
of invective and contempt, more eager and venomous than is vented by the most
furious controvertist in politicks against those whom he is hired to defame.
[126] Perhaps the lightness
of the matter may conduce to the vehemence of the agency; when the truth to
be investigated is so near to inexistence, as to escape attention, its bulk
is to be enlarged by rage and exclamation:
That to which all would be indifferent in its original state, may attract
notice when the fate of a name is appended to it. A commentator has indeed great temptations
to supply by turbulence what he wants of dignity, to beat his little gold
to a spacious surface, to work that to foam which no art or diligence can
exalt to spirit.
[127] The notes which I have
borrowed or written are either illustrative, by which difficulties are explained;
or judicial, by which faults and beauties are remarked; or emendatory, by
which depravations are corrected.
[128] The explanations transcribed
from others, if I do not subjoin any other interpretation, I suppose commonly
to be right, at least I intend by acquiescence to confess, that I have nothing
better to propose.
[129] After the labours of
all the editors, I found many passages which appeared to me likely to obstruct
the greater number of readers, and thought it my duty to facilitate their
passage. It is impossible for
an expositor not to write too little for some, and too much for others. He can only judge what is necessary by
his own experience; and how long soever he may deliberate, will at last explain
many lines which the learned will think impossible to be mistaken, and omit
many for which the ignorant will want his help. These are censures merely relative and must be quietly endured.
I have endeavoured to be neither superfluously copious, nor scrupulously
reserved, and hope that I have made my authour's meaning accessible to many
who before were frighted from perusing him, and contributed something to the
publick, by diffusing innocent and rational pleasure.
[130] The compleat explanation
of an authour not systematick and consequential, but desultory and vagrant,
abounding in casual allusions and light hints, is not to be expected from
any single scholiast. All personal
reflections, when names are suppressed, must be in a few years irrecoverably
obliterated; and customs, too minute to attract the notice of law, such as
mode of dress, formalities of conversation, rules of visits, disposition of
furniture, and practices of ceremony, which naturally find places in familiar
dialogue, are so fugitive and unsubstantial that they are not easily retained
or recovered. What can be known,
will be collected by chance, from the recesses of obscure and obsolete papers,
perused commonly with some other view. Of this knowledge every man has some,
and none has much; but when an authour has engaged the publick attention,
those who can add any thing to his illustration, communicate their discoveries,
and time produces what had eluded diligence.
[131] To time I have been
obliged to resign many passages, which, though I did not understand them,
will perhaps hereafter be explained, having, I hope, illustrated some, which
others have neglected or mistaken, sometimes by short remarks or marginal
directions, such as every editor has added at his will, and often by comments
more laborious than the matter will seem to deserve; but that which is most
difficult is not always most important, and to an editor nothing is a trifle
by which his authour is obscured.
[132] The poetical beauties
or defects I have not been very diligent to observe. Some plays have more, and some fewer judicial observations,
not in proportion to their difference of merit, but because I gave this part
of my design to chance and to caprice.
The reader, I believe, is seldom pleased to find his opinion anticipated;
it is natural to delight more in what we find or make, than in what we receive.
Judgement, like other faculties, is improved by practice, and its advancement
is hindered by submission to dictatorial decisions, as the memory grows torpid
by the use of a table book. Some
initiation is however necessary; of all skill, part is infused by precept,
and part is obtained by habit; I have therefore shewn so much as may enable
the candidate of criticism to discover the rest.
[133] To the end of most plays,
I have added short strictures, containing a general censure of faults, or
praise of excellence; in which I know not how much I have concurred with the
current opinion; but I have not, by any affectation of singularity, deviated
from it. Nothing is minutely
and particularly examined, and therefore it is to be supposed, that in the
plays which are condemned there is much to be praised, and in these which
are praised much to be condemned.
[134] The part of criticism
in which the whole succession of editors has laboured with the greatest diligence,
which has occasioned the most arrogant ostentation, and excited the keenest
acrimony, is the emendation of corrupted passages, to which the publick attention
having been first drawn by the violence of contention between Pope and Theobald,
has been continued by the persecution, which, with a kind of conspiracy, has
been since raised against all the publishers of Shakespeare.
[135] That many passages have
passed in a state of depravation through all the editions is indubitably certain;
of these the restoration is only to be attempted by collation of copies or
sagacity of conjecture. The collator's
province is safe and easy, the conjecturer's perilous and difficult.
Yet as the greater part of the plays are extant only in one copy, the
peril must not be avoided, nor the difficulty refused.
[136] Of the readings which
this emulation of amendment has hitherto produced, some from the labours of
every publisher have advanced into the text; those are to be considered as
in my opinion sufficiently supported; some I have rejected without mention,
as evidently erroneous; some I have left in the notes without censure or approbation,
as resting in equipoise between objection and defence; and some, which seemed
specious but not right, I have inserted with a subsequent animadversion.
[137] Having classed the observations
of others, I was at last to try what I could substitute for their mistakes,
and how I could supply their omissions. I collated such copies as I could procure, and wished for more,
but have not found the collectors of these rarities very communicative.
Of the editions which chance or kindness put into my hands I have given
an enumeration, that I may not be blamed for neglecting what I had not the
power to do.
[138] By examining the old
copies, I soon found that the late publishers, with all their boasts of diligence,
suffered many passages; to stand unauthorised, and contented themselves with
Rowe's regulation of the text, even where they knew it to be arbitrary, and
with a little consideration might have found it to be wrong.
Some of these alterations are only the ejection of a word for one that
appeared to him more elegant or more intelligible.
These corruptions I have often silently rectified; for the history
of our language, and the true force of our words, can only be preserved, by
keeping the text of authours free from adulteration.
Others, and those very frequent, smoothed the cadence, or regulated
the measure; on these I have not exercised the same rigour; if only a word
was transposed, or a particle inserted or omitted, I have sometimes suffered
the line to stand; for the inconstancy of the copies is such, as that some
liberties may be easily permitted. But
this practice I have not suffered to proceed far, having restored the primitive
diction wherever it could for any reason be preferred.
[139] The emendations, which
comparison of copies supplied, I have inserted in the text; sometimes where
the improvement was slight, without notice, and sometimes with an account
of the reasons of the change.
[140] Conjecture, though it
be sometimes unavoidable, I have not wantonly nor licentiously indulged. It has been my settled principle, that
the reading of the ancient books is probably true, and therefore is not to
be disturbed for the sake of elegance, perspicuity, or mere improvement of
the sense. For though much credit
is not due to the fidelity, nor any to the judgement of the first publishers,
yet they who had the copy before their eyes were more likely to read it right,
than we who only read it by imagination.
But it is evident that they have often made strange mistakes by ignorance
or negligence, and that therefore something may be properly attempted by criticism,
keeping the middle way between presumption and timidity.
[141] Such criticism I have
attempted to practise, and where any passage appeared inextricably perplexed,
have endeavoured to discover how it may be recalled to sense, with least violence.
But my first labour is, always to turn the old text on every side,
and try if there be any interstice, through which light can find its way;
nor would Huetius himself condemn me, as refusing the trouble of research,
for the ambition of alteration. In this modest industry I have not been
unsuccessful. I have rescued
many lines from the violations of temerity, and secured many scenes from the
inroads of correction. I have
adopted the Roman sentiment, that it is more honourable to save a citizen,
than to kill an enemy, and have been more careful to protect than to attack.
[142] I have preserved the
common distribution of the plays into acts, though I believe it to be in almost
all the plays void of authority. Some
of those which are divided in the later editions have no division in the first
folio, and some that are divided in the folio have no division in the preceding
copies. The settled mode of the
theatre requires four intervals in the play, but few, if any, of our authour's
compositions can be properly distributed in that manner. An act is so much of the drama as passes
without intervention of time or change of place. A pause makes a new act. In every real, and therefore in every
imitative action, the intervals may be more or fewer, the restriction of five
acts being accidental and arbitrary.
This Shakespeare knew, and this he practised; his plays were written,
and at first printed in one unbroken continuity, and ought now to be exhibited
with short pauses, interposed as often as the scene is changed, or any considerable
time is required to pass. This
method would at once quell a thousand absurdities.
[143] In restoring the authour's
works to their integrity, I have considered the punctuation as wholly in my
power; for what could be their care of colons and commas, who corrupted words
and sentences. Whatever could
be done by adjusting points is therefore silently performed, in some plays
with much diligence, in others with less; it is hard to keep a busy eye steadily
fixed upon evanescent atoms, or a discursive mind upon evanescent truth.
[144] The same liberty has
been taken with a few particles, or other words of slight effect. I have sometimes inserted or omitted them
without notice. I have done that
sometimes, which the other editors have done always, and which indeed the
state of the text may sufficiently justify.
[145] The greater part of
readers, instead of blaming us for passing trifles, will wonder that on mere
trifles so much labour is expended, with such importance of debate, and such
solemnity of diction. To these
I answer with confidence, that they are judging of an art which they do not
understand; yet cannot much reproach them with their ignorance, nor promise
that they would become in general, by learning criticism, more useful, happier
or wiser.
[146] As I practised conjecture
more, I learned to trust it less; and after I had printed a few plays, resolved
to insert none of my own readings in the text. Upon this caution I now congratulate myself,
for every day encreases my doubt of my emendations.
[147] Since I have confined
my imagination to the margin, it must not be considered as very reprehensible,
if I have suffered it to play some freaks in its own dominion. There is no danger in conjecture, if it
be proposed as conjecture; and while the text remains uninjured, those changes
may be safely offered, which are not considered even by him that offers them
as necessary or safe.
[148] If my readings are of
little value, they have not been ostentatiously displayed or importunately
obtruded. I could have written
longer notes, for the art of writing notes is not of difficult attainment. The work is performed, first by railing
at the stupidity, negligence, ignorance, and asinine tastelessness of the
former editors, and shewing, from all that goes before and all that follows,
the inelegance and absurdity of the old reading; then by proposing something,
which to superficial readers would seem specious, but which the editor rejects
with indignation; then by producing the true reading, with a long paraphrase,
and concluding with loud acclamations on the discovery, and a sober wish for
the advancement and prosperity of genuine criticism.
[149] All this may be done,
and perhaps done sometimes without impropriety. But I have always suspected that the reading is right, which
requires many words to prove it wrong; and the emendation wrong, that cannot
without so much labour appear to be right. The justness of a happy restoration strikes at once, and the
moral precept may be well applied to criticism, quod dubitas ne feceris.
[150] To dread the shore which
he sees spread with wrecks, is natural to the sailor. I had before my eye, so many critical
adventures ended in miscarriage, that caution was forced upon me. I encountered in every page Wit struggling
with its own sophistry, and Learning confused by the multiplicity of its views.
I was forced to censure those whom I admired, and could not but reflect,
while I was dispossessing their emenations, how soon the same fate might happen
to my own, and how many of the readings which I have corrected may be some
other editor defended and established.
Criticks, I saw, that other's names efface,And fix their own, with labour, in the place;Their own, like others, soon their place resign'd,Or disappear'd, and left the first behind.—Pope.
[150] That a conjectural critick
should often be mistaken, cannot be wonderful, either to others or himself,
if it be considered that in his art there is no system, no principal and axiomatical
truth that regulates subordinate positions. His chance of errour is renewed at every
attempt; an oblique view of the passage a slight misapprehension of a phrase,
a casual inattention to the parts connected, is sufficient to make him not
only fail but fail ridiculously; and when he succeeds best, he produces perhaps
but one reading of many probable, and he that suggests another will always
be able to dispute his claims.
[151] It is an unhappy state,
in which danger is hid under pleasure.
The allurements of emendation are scarcely resistible. Conjecture has all the joy and all the
pride of invention, and he that has once started a happy change, is too much
delighted to consider what objections may rise against it.
[152] Yet conjectural criticism
has been of great use in the learned world; nor is it my intention to depreciate
a study, that has exercised so many mighty minds, from the revival of learning
to our own age, from the Bishop of Aleria to English Bentley. The criticks on ancient authours have,
in the exercise of their sagacity, many assistances, which the editor of Shakespeare
is condemned to want. They are
employed upon grammatical and settled languages, whose construction contributes
so much to perspicuity, that Homer has fewer passages unintelligible than
Chaucer. The words have not only
a known regimen, but invariable quantities, which direct and confine the choice.
There are commonly more manuscripts than one; and.
they do not often conspire in the same mistakes. Yet Scaliger could confess to Salmasius
how little satisfaction his emendations gave him. Illudunt nobis conjecturae nostrae, quarum nos pudet, posteaquam
in meliores cofices incidimus. And
Lipsius could complain, that criticks were making faults, by trying to remove
them, Ut olim vitiis, ita nunc remediis laboratur. And indeed, where mere conjecture is to
be used, the emendations of Scaliger and Lipsius, notwithstanding their wonderful
sagacity and erudition, are often vague and disputable, like mine or Theobald's.
[153] Perhaps I may not be
more censured for doing wrong, than for doing little; for raising in the publick
expectations, which at last I have not answered. The expectation of ignorance is indefinite,
and that of knowledge is often tyrannical. It is hard to satisfy those who know not
what to demand, or those who demand by design what they think impossible to
be done. I have indeed disappointed
no opinion more than my own; yet I have endeavoured to perform my task with
no slight solicitude. Not a single
passage in the whole work has appeared to me corrupt, which I have not attempted
to restore; or obscure, which I have not endeavoured to illustrate.
In many I have failed like others; and from many, after all my efforts,
I have retreated, and confessed the repulse.
I have not passed over, with affected superiority, what is equally
difficult to the reader and to myself, but where I could not instruct him,
have owned my ignorance. I might easily have accumulated a mass
of seeming learning upon easy scenes; but it ought not to be imputed to negligence,
that, where nothing was necessary, nothing has been done, or that, where others
have said enough, I have said no more.
[154] Notes are often necessary,
but they are necessary evils. Let
him, that is yet unacquainted with the powers of Shakespeare, and who desires
to feel the highest pleasure that the drama can give, read every play from
the first scene to the last, with utter negligence of all his commentators.
When his fancy is once on the wing, let it not stoop at correction
or explanation. When his attention is strongly engaged,
let it disdain alike to turn aside to the name of Theobald and Pope. Let him read on through brightness and
obscurity, through integrity and corruption; let him preserve his comprehension
of the dialogue and his interest in the fable. And when the pleasures of novelty have ceased, let him attempt
exactness; and read the commentators.
[155] Particular passages
are cleared by notes, but the general effect of the work is weakened. The mind is refrigerated by interruption;
the thoughts are diverted from the principal subject; the reader is weary,
he suspects not why; and at last throws away the book, which he has too diligently
studied.
[156] Parts are not to be
examined till the whole has been surveyed; there is a kind of intellectual
remoteness necessary for the comprehension of any great work in its full design
and its true proportions; a close approach shews the smaller niceties, but
the beauty of the whole is discerned no longer.
[157] It is not very grateful
to consider how little the succession of editors has added to this authour's
power of pleasing. He was read,
admired, studied, and imitated, while he was yet deformed with all the improprieties
which ignorance and neglect could accumulate upon him; while the reading was
yet not rectified, nor his allusions understood; yet then did Dryden pronounce
"that Shakespeare was the man, who, of all modern and perhaps ancient
poets, had the largest and most comprehensive soul. All the images of nature were still present
to him, and he drew them not laboriously, but luckily: When he describes any thing, you more
than see it, you feel it too. Those
who accuse him to have wanted learning, give him the greater commendation:
he was naturally learned: he
needed not the spectacles of books to read nature; he looked inwards, and
found her there. I cannot say he is every where alike;
were he so, I should do him injury to compare him with the greatest of mankind. He is many times flat and insipid; his
comick wit degenerating into clenches, his serious swelling into bombast. But he is always great, when some great
occasion is presented to him: No
man can say, he ever had a fit subject for his wit, and did not then raise
himself as high above the rest of poets,
"Quantum lenta solent inter viburna cupressi."
[158] It is to be lamented,
that such a writer should want a commentary; that his language should become
obsolete, or his sentiments obscure.
But it is vain to carry wishes beyond the condition of human things;
that which must happen to all, has happened to Shakespeare, by accident and
time; and more than has been suffered by any other writer since the use of
types, has been suffered by him through his own negligence of fame, or perhaps
by that superiority of mind, which despised its own performances, when it
compared them with its powers, and judged those works unworthy to be preserved,
which the criticks of following ages were to contend for the fame of restoring
and explaining.
[159] Among these candidates
of inferiour fame, I am now to stand the judgment of the publick; and wish
that I could confidently produce my commentary as equal to the encouragement
which I have had the honour of receiving.
Every work of this kind is by its nature deficient, and I should feel
little solicitude about the sentence, were it to be pronounced only by the
skilful and the learned.